Le Nouvelliste |Ayiti - Exit - At the origins of the health cord (4 of 8)
By Alin Louis Hall
The internationalist duty Dessalinian
After having been crowned emperor Jacques I of Haiti on September 22, 1804, Jean-Jacques Dessalines returned to the Louverturian geopolitical creed "the sea for border".On this subject, it is important to emphasize that currents of thought clash on the real motivations of the first campaign in the east of the Haitian period.Certainly, the presence of debris of the Napoleonic army in neighboring territory is at the center of concerns inMarchand.At the same time, the new authorities are therefore confronted with another reality which exceeds them every day.The abandonment of plantations by cultivators and the desertion of soldiers hamper the strategic objectives of the construction of a rich, strong and powerful nation-state as desalines wishes, assisted by the tireless general Christophe.This situation is at the origin of the shortage of labor which motivates the first census of the population towards the end of 1804.After many trial and error, General Ferrand's incursions in the Fort-Liberté region finally bring water to the official propaganda mill.The alibi is in size.
Only now that the exasperation has already pushed Dessalines to enter into talks with the British Jamaica authorities to offer English traders the exclusivity of the Bois d'Ebène in the ports of Haiti [1].The revitalization of the planting economy requires the replacement of this workforce which, by wanting to live a "boundless freedom", abandons plantations and workshops.Gré or by force, it is also necessary to recruit men to maintain the army on the foot of war in the face of an imminent return of the French.For these reasons, Dessalines embarks the new state in training in the Eastern campaign.At the end of February 1805, the political unification of the whole island became the major concern of the emperor.On the other side of the border, it is difficult to imagine a peaceful sleeping ferrand by learning the news of the punitive expedition of a general of the caliber of Jean-Jacques Dessalines.
Two columns leave in two directions: one, part north (Dajabón-Santiago-la Vega-Santo Domingo) is commanded by the general-in-chief of the army Henri Christophe, and the other to the transversal region (SanJuan de laMaguana-Azua-Baní-Santo Domingo) commanded by the emperor in person.In an address dated April 12, 1805, Dessalines affirmed without ambiguity:
"Decided to recognize for limits only those drawn by nature and the seas, I resolved to go and pull myself out of the integral portion of my states [2].»»»»
However, along the way, Dessalines realizes that the inhabitants of San Juan de laMaguana and Baní have evacuated theircity to protect themselves.On this observation, the emperor believes that the indigenous population does not deserve its leniency.OnMarch 6, approaching the capital, he burned thecity of San Carlos on the outskirts and begins the siege of Santo Domingo.OnMarch 25, Dessalines orders the total extermination of the population under its control.
Three days later, three frigates and two French brigantins arrive in the harbor of Saint Domingo.The spectrum of the Leclerc expedition, three years ago, pushes Dessalines to lift the siege and beat retirement.On the way back, Dessalines, Christophe and their troops destroy among others Santiago,Moca, La Vega, Azua, San Juan de laMaguana, Baní and massacre the inhabitants who have not won the Cordillera Centrale.About ten thousand people are thus killed or executed.According to lawyer Gaspar Arredondo y Pichardo, forced to go to Cuba during the siege of Santo Domingo in 1805, even the clergymen are spared. Il donne l’exemple du prêtre Juan Vasquez qu’après « … l’avoir tourmenté avec cruauté dans le cimetière […] ils [les Haïtiens] le sacrifièrent et, à la fin, pour satisfaire leur vengeance brutale, ils le brûlèrent avec les bancs du chœur et les confessionnaux»»»»[3].
Many Dominicans, mainly whites taken hostage and forced to walk, died of exhaustion in the long retirement of Haitian troops.Arredondo keeps this information from two women who deceived the vigilance of Haitians. Ces dernières précisent que l’armée haïtienne ne laisse après elle « que crânes et os humains sur les places et dans les rues»»»»[4].In general, historians and specialists in Haitiano-Dominicaine relations agree on desolation and the drag of death in wholecities such as Cutuí,Moca, La Vega,Monte Plata, San Pedro and still Santiago de Los Caballeros.Whilecities are reduced to ashes, the Haitian army holds two hundred and forty-nine women hostage, four hundred and thirty boys, and three hundred and eighteen girls [5].
Obviously, we can always deliberate on the context or never decide on the need for punitive expedition.Haitian historian Jean Price-Mars sums up the situation perfectly when he says:
"The retirement of the Haitian army was one of the most dramatic and bloody episodes of a dramatic and bloody story.Fire of farms, cattle destruction, hostage shooting, capture of women and children, their brutal transfer to the west, following the army, nothing was missing from this sad picture of useless horrors.Dessalines had assimilated Eastern people to French whites, its lifelong enemies.And he wanted to show them the vigor of his grip as he had threatened them in his proclamation.They were the enemy.He was revenge.From the bottom of his fierce soul, raised the resentment, the primitive residue of the instinct of struggle and defense whose germ had increased in its unconscious since the distant days when the intangible substance had been deposited with the Nègre ancestor who, prosecutedBy the hunters of men in the African jungle, was once taken to Santo Domingo to serve as a base for the colonial fortune kneaded in injustice, shame and crime [6].»»»»
It is also important to return to the excess and massacres of the Louverturian campaign of 1801 already well installed in the Dominican collective imagination.The campaign in eastern Dessalines then causes a wave of Spanish refugees to Venezuela from Santo Domingo. Ces derniers tentent d’échapper à l’état de siège imposé par les troupes de Dessalines, lequel ne jure que par sa mission historique d’expulser les « débris»»»» des forces napoléoniennes qui se reconstituent dans cette partie de l’île.Since then, these historical disputes have permanently constituted the basics of shared resentments.In the meantime, the return of the East campaign gives birth to a curious stuttering following the mobilization of cultivators for the purposes of the punitive expedition.Upon returning from the army at the beginning of April 1805, the authorities noted the paralysis of the plantations caused by this in reluctance of the workforce.Also, to remedy this situation, prisoners distributed through various plantations.
Nevertheless, it is important to seek to understand why the signatories of the act which had just cracking the world slave order were able to conceive the project to use the prisoners of war as workers on their plantations.A dichotomy which could not reconcile on January 1, 1804 to such an approach.This reality puts us in front of men who have just waged a war in the name of human dignity.How could they have ignored their own grievances well formulated in the founding act?How to explain that the population of the time finds neither contradictory nor representative the fate granted to prisoners of war?So many paradoxes in total negation of the ideals of victory of November 18, 1803 on the forces of evil.It is always important to shed light on our trajectory and lived by keeping the subjectivity that too often masks our abominations.
From this point of view, the Haitian occupation of the Dominican Republic for 22 years that Jean-Pierre Boyer has undertaken in 1822 unfortunately reinforces the resentments in the neighboring people.Although she ends slavery in the eastern part of the island, she fuels the national feeling of the Dominicans who stand out from Haitians not only by their language, their culture, their religion and their customs but also by the epidermis.Although reality is more complex, Haitian occupation is generally seen as a period of brutality marked by expropriations of large landowners and aborted reforms.We cancite the orientation of agricultural production for export, compulsory military service, restriction on the use of Spanish and the elimination of traditional customs such as rooster fighting. En réaction, pour combattre toute africanité symbolisée par l’Haïtien, s’installe graduellement de l’autre côté de la frontière la « dominicanité»»»» dans l’imaginaire collectif.
Nevertheless, this retirement precipitated by not determining Dessalines to give up his essential motivation of repelling the colonial European slave powers as far as possible.In December 1805, faithful to his commitment to his proclamation of January 1, 1804 in the Gonaïves, he once again went to the offensive in the name of internationalist duty.Aware that to survive Haiti needed his own area of influence in his region, he resolved to export the Haitian revolution.According to Roberjot Lartigue, in December 1805, Dessalines ships:
"Emisters to execute the monstrous project to descend toMartinique and Guadeloupe, to assassinate all inhabitants, to burncities, to lift negroes and people of color, free or slaves and to form 14 regiments, to make it master and to establish the independence of these two colonies (sic) [7].»»»»
The Lartigue report sheds significant light by saying that “the plan of Dessalines was to go down to Christmas 1805, to execute this horrible company (sic) [8].»»»»Mu par des intérêts géostratégiques supérieurs, Dessalines s’engage à défaire le nœud constricteur en confrontant la politique isolationniste des puissances de la traite euro-chrétienne décidées à stranguler la première expérience d’autodétermination de la diaspora africaine.Unfortunately, things will go wrong for the expedition.
“During the night of the Christmas holidays, this troupe of emissaries sought in vain to descend toMartinique and Guadeloupe;They did not abandon their disastrous and criminal enterprise for that: they were then descended to the Spanish trinity, in December 1805, the day before the Christmas holidays, but their design was immediately discovered, because several merchant negresses who were inNumber in the paths, to lift negroes and mulattos, sang: “The blood of whites is good for drinking;White flesh is good for eating;(Vive Dessalines).General Isloop, governor of the Trinity, was warned;He immediately sent troops to stop the merchants, the negroes, the mulattos, the foreigners and those who were united;a lot of all sex were taken and put in prison.The next day we did information and judge the culprits;30 chiefs of color had the trenched head;There were several other pronounced sentences;quantity were deported, and, for a long time, we remained armed to restore order.The witnesses who deposited, and one of the accused, declared that the order of Dessalines was to assassinate, the Christmas night, all the inhabitants, to burn thecity, to lift the slaves and to appoint a king (sic) there (sic) there (sic)[9].»»»»
In a geopolitical context dominated by the colonial slave powers, the Dessalines enigma cannot however be approached only with Europeanocentric glasses.In light of the Lartigue report and other documentation, he appears that the repercussions of the avenging arm of Dessalines overflow the Haitian framework.In any event, in Paris,Madrid, London, London or Washington, the news of the Dessalines commando will fuel an even more aggressive dynamic towards the Creole and Bossal children of the Haitian Revolution as the report suggests.
"Roberjot Lartigue's arrangements were immediately alerting all the governors of the region.M. Roberjot Lartigue prévintM. l'Amiral Villaret, Gouverneur de laMartinique,M. Ernouf, Gouverneur de la Guadeloupe, le Général Ferrand, à Sto Domingo, le Commandant de St-Martin, et les instruisit des projets de Dessalines de soulever toutes les colonies françaises, de s'en rendre maître par les moyens les plus audacieux et les plus criminels ; le Général Ernouf envoya de suite un Aide-de-camp, pour aviser avecM Roberjot Lartigue aux mesures que les circonstances exigeaient ;tous les autres Gouverneurs firent aussi prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires pour garantir leurs rivages de l’approche de Dessalines etdes émissaires qu'il avait expédiés pour soulever les colonies, et particulièrement laMartinique et la Guadeloupe(sic)[10].»»
Au risque de nous répéter, le secrétaire d’État JamesMadison introduit une loi au Congrès américain pour interdire les échanges commerciaux avec Haïti[11].Anticipating the contagion effect of the Haitian revolution, the United States Congress prohibits trade with Haiti to strengthen the French and Spanish boycott. Appliquant la doctrine de Jefferson à la lettre, les navires américains peuvent accoster aux ports haïtiens, mais les bateaux « pavillon haïtien»»»» sont exclus des ports américains[12].Since then, the exchange is unequal.
Sur ces entrefaites, en février 1806, Francisco deMiranda débarque à Jacmel. Sur ordre de Dessalines,Magloire Ambroise fait un excellent accueil au précurseur sud-américain.This last struggle to release Latin America from the yoke of Spain and receives ammunition.OnMarch 12, 1806, the Venezuelan pavilion was created in the port of Jacmel. Les troupes haïtiennes accompagnantMiranda sont transportées par le commerçant américain Jacob Lewis.Among the families of Jacmel, the Jastram, the Cayo and the Féquière take part in this expedition.Dessalines send the Council, if he wanted to succeed, to put into practice, in the province of Venezuela, the violent methods which had brought the triumph of the independence army.The emperor does not take gloves to recommend terrible but effective means that we only see employment, in history, only when the status quo resistantly resistant to the most just complaints, carries the peoples to despair. En l’occurrence, une référence directe à la méthode « koupe tèt boule kay»»»»[13].
Meanwhile, division generals accommodate less and less from the Emperor's autocratic governance.The latter is not aware of at what pace gets the consensus around him.The verification of property titles makes it more and more wary and vulnerable.In truth, Dessalines assets the reasons to spy on the generals.He fears the seasoned troops of Christophe.Rumors spread that he was monitored by General Capois. Le futur monarque du nord entretient des rapports avec le général Nicolas Geffrard dans le sud, lui-même tenu à l’œil par le généralMoreau Herne pour le compte de l’empereur.Dessalines experiences discomfort in relation to the respect that the troops of the South have for Geffrard.In the West, General Germain Brother Spy Pétion.Why particularly these three generals?
Respectively in charge of the divisions of the North, South and West, they are found together in the aftermath of the outpost of Haut-du-Cap on October 17, 1802 from which a fragile consensus comes out, this is our point of view, the supreme command in Dessalines.As we will see later, Dessalines must be informed, especially since the fight against the smuggling of foreign traders will precipitate hostilities. Avec la plus grande fermeté, il demande le 8 septembre 1806 au directeur des Domaines Inginac de vérifier les comptes des commerçantsMacIntosh et Hopsengarther établis aux Cayes et de leur faire payer les droits et taxes dus à l’État. Après vérification,MacIntosh est obligé de payer 120 000 gourdes et Hopsengarther 60 000 gourdes [14].Again, we find the desalines enigma in all its fullness. Pendant que l’empereur veille à ce que les revenus renflouent les caisses du Trésor public, l’État règle les factures des fournisseurs favoris deMarchand.
We can also mention the case of the American merchant Jacob Lewis to whom theMinister of Finance André Vernet refuses, on the orders of Dessalines, the acquittal of the invoice of the two thousand eight hundred thirty-two barrels of powder delivered with other ammunition on 27August 1804 in General Pétion.However, another American supplier benefits from Dessalines recommendations to Vernet for recently discharged goods in Saint-Marc. S’agit-il des habits somptueux et de la couronne amenés de Philadelphie sur le bateau Connecticut pour le sacre d’octobre 1804 ?SelonMadiou, Pétion se retrouve dans l’obligation de présenter des excuses à Jacob Lewis le 20 janvier 1806 en lui offrant, moyennant le règlement total de la facture, une partie de sa récolte de café provenant de sa plantation à Jacmel [15].Malgré ce revers, Lewis accepte de transporter pour Dessalines les troupes haïtiennes envoyées au Venezuela avecMiranda en 1806.
Après l’assassinat de Dessalines, la créance est réintroduite par-devant Pétion qui, dans un arrêté le 20 août 1807, assigne la production caféière d’une des plantations deMme Dessalines au règlement intégral de la dette[16].Mais, qu’en est-il vraiment de l’assise populaire de Dessalines ? Comment interpréter les conséquences de sa décision de sévir contre les commerçants contrebandiers dont certains d’entre eux sont de vrais espions ? A plus d’un titre, ces derniers se s’impliquent jusqu’au cou dans la conspiration contre l’empereur.On the one hand, they manipulate the generals and other secondary authorities which take control of the eight thousand properties abandoned by the colonists.They naturally become intermediaries of wood smuggling.
When ultimately, on a proposal from Christophe, Dessalines decides to ban this lucrative activity, these traders have sufficiently accumulated by fortune to finance the uprising against the emperor.On the one hand, the priority given to the protection of independence requires the construction of a rich, strong and powerful nation-state.On the other, the autonomy that Afro-Paysanne mass desires as an expression of freedom snatched.Thus, the egalitarian obsession of the children of the Haitian revolution who want to experience an unproportionate freedom then serves as a backdrop to the plot which puts certain behaviors and acts of Dessalines for the benefit of the sling.
[1] James Franklin, The present State of Hayti (Saint Domingo), J.Murray, 1828 - Dominican Republic, pp.186-187
[2] Beaubrun Ardouin, Studies on the story of Haiti followed by the life of General J.-M.Borgella - Tome 6 - Dezobry and E.Magdeleine, Lib.Publists, 10 rue du Cloitre-Saint-Benoit, Paris, 1855, p.32
[3] G. Arredondo y Pichardo, «Memoria de mi salida de la isla de Santo Domingo, el 28 de abril de 1805 (Puerto Príncipe, 14/08/1814)»»»», in E.Rodríguez Demorzi, (ed.), Haitianas invasion of 1801, 1805 y 1822, Ciudad Trujillo, Ed.del Caribe, 1955, p.154
[4] Ibid.
[5] e. CorderoMichel, « Dessalines en Saint-Domingue espagnol»»»», dans Alain Yacou (dir.), Spanish Saint-Domingo and the Negro Revolution of Haiti (1790-1822, Paris, Karthala, 2007, p.413-434., p.426.
[6] Jean Price-Mars, La République d’Haïti et la République dominicaine, (Port-au-Prince, 1953),Montréal, Université du Québec à Chicoutimi au canada, 2000, Tome 1, p.78.
[7] RAPPORT DE LA CONDUITE QU'A TENUEM. ROBERJOT LARTIGUE, AU SUJET DE L'ENTREPRISE FORMÉE PAR DESSALINES, POUR SOULEVER LAMARTINIQUE, LA GUADELOUPE ETMARIE-GALANTE ; Certifié deMM. le Lieutenant-général-Gouverneur de la Guadeloupe et dépendances; le Général-Préfet colonial et le Général-commandant des troupes de la même île ; le Colonel-commandant de la ville et arrondissement de St-Pierre , le Grand-Juge de laMartinique ; le Général-commandant en chef, Administrateur-général de Santo-Domingo; d'un Habitant, Officier de la Trinité espagnole; et le Grand-Juge de St-Thomas, Conseiller de Justice actuel de S.M.The King of Denmark. Daté de St-Thomas, île Danoise, du 26Mai 1806.Dubray, printer, rue Ventadour, n.° 5., 1815
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Rubens François Tilus, Roadmap to Haiti’s Next Revolution: Capitalizing Haiti’s Economy With Haitian Diaspora Remitances, Iuniverse, Jul 19, 2012, p.49
[12] Greg Dunkel, "U.S. embargoes against Haiti -- from 1806 to 2003»»»», in Haiti A slave revolution 200 years after 1804, ed.Ramsey Clark, et al.(New York: NY, International Action Center: 1994), http: // iacenter.Org/Haiti/Embgoes.htm
[13] Cut the heads, fire the houses.
[14] ThomasMadiou, Histoire d’Haïti, Tome III, op.cit., p.354-355.
[15]ThomasMadiou, Histoire d’Haïti, Tome III, op.cit., p.329.
[16]ThomasMadiou, Histoire d’Haïti, Tome IV, P-au-P, Deschamps, 1987, p.51-52.